Essays and Conversations on Community & Belonging
Turning Down the Noise
Notes that didn't fit my Leather & Lavender: The Toolbox essay. Written for whoever reads me generously — which is not everyone, and does not have to be.
SUBCULTURE & COMMUNITYSIGNAL V NOISEHIGH-BANDWIDTH SIGNALPUER AND FATHERPERFORMANCE V AUTHENTICITY
Alex Pilkington
7/1/20265 min read
There are at least 3 versions of every essay that I've published to Leather & Lavender. The other versions of some of them may be more true, in places, and that's why I didn't publish them - they were far more dangerous to hand to strangerrs. The public essay is built to persuade someone who doesn't know me and is not inclined to be kind about it. This is built for those who do know me. Chances are, if you are reading it, you are probably the second kind, and I'm going to trust you the way you trust a person, not the way you trust a rule.
Here is what I cut, and why.
The man outside the bar.
Walking to Uproar from Kiki last weekend — near Howard University, which matters — a young Black man leaned out of a van and called across to our little group of obviously gay men that Malcolm X came first. And Booker T. Washington. And Frederick Douglass. My friends were confused at first, and it took me a couple minutes to share what I thought it was about.
That we stand on the shoulders of the men who paved the way.
He's right, I must state that explicitly before I go on, because the temptation of a writer is to be clever about a thing that was simply true. The gay movement borrowed nearly everything from the Black one. Frank Kameny built the homophile playbook off the civil rights movement on purpose. "Gay Is Good" is "Black Is Beautiful" with the nouns changed. The debt is real and it runs in exactly the direction he shouted it.
I mumbled something to my friend about how they were an interesting trio to default and was curious what else he was implying.
Douglass, who taught himself to read and emancipated himself and made himself into a man the law said he couldn't be. Washington, who told his people to build their own institutions and stop waiting at anyone's door. Malcolm, who preached do-for-self and meant it. Notice who isn't in the list. No Du Bois. No King. He named none of the coalition men, none of the ones whose argument was let us in — he named the ones whose argument was we will build our own house.
I don't know for sure if he meant to (though, reminder - Howard University). It doesn't matter whether he meant to. He handed a group of gay men, out of a car window, the exact argument I have spent six essays making, and he did it in four seconds and drove off.
And there is a name I did not have in the moment, because I was three drinks in and thinking about a club meeting. Bayard Rustin. He organized the 1963 March on Washington — the logistics, the buses, the sound system, the whole vast machine of the movement's most famous single day. He taught King what he knew of Gandhi. And he was kept in the back of every photograph because he was a gay man, and when they wanted to destroy him they read his old morals arrest into the Senate record and let that do the work. The man who built the infrastructure of the day we put on the stamp was a gay Black man, written out of the very lineage that car was invoking. The shoulders we were standing on that night were partly his. The movement that owes him most has spent sixty years almost saying his name.
If I'd remembered, I'd have shouted it back across Florida Avenue. I'm glad now that I didn't. Some names aren't for winning an argument. You carry them home and set them down carefully, which is what this is.
Hirshman's ledger.
Linda Hirshman's book Victory: The Triumphant Gay Revolution argues that the gay movement achieved more than the civil rights movement or the feminist one, because it started from further back — criminal, sick, subversive, damned, all at once. I used her four horsemen in the essay. I used her free-rider insight, which is the real jewel: a people who can hide will hide, and the hiding hollows out the collective, and that is why a population that outnumbered its persecutors could still be raided at will.
But I cut the ranking, and the man in the car is why. Achieved more than. Put a scoreboard between movements that are kin and you have already lost the thing that made them kin. It is the same move he was warning me against, run the other direction — instead of they came first, it's we came furthest. Both are auditing a debt that isn't the kind of thing you audit. A ledger is the wrong instrument for a lineage. You do not send an invoice to the people whose shoulders you are standing on. You keep the diagnosis and you leave the ledger on the floor.
What holds a room together.
There is a version of this in the essay, buried on purpose. Here is the unburied one.
Every room full of people is held by one of two things. A rule you don't have to trust, because it binds everyone the same and answers to no one. Or a person you do trust, whose authority is written down nowhere because it doesn't need to be. I have spent my whole life in rooms held both ways, and I have gotten it wrong in both directions — trusted a rule when the moment called for a person, trusted a person when I should have reached for the rule. The rule is what you build for the room where you cannot yet be family. The person is what the room becomes when you can. The mistake is always the same mistake wearing two coats: asking one of them to do the other's job.
Group and family.
This is the distinction I most wanted and could never seat cleanly in a public argument, so it can live here.
In a family you are legible. You are read in full. Your criticism is heard as coming from investment, your bad day is read as a bad day and not as your character, the substance is granted visibility behind the tone. In a group, that charity is the first thing to go — because a group coordinates on categories, and made a fair point in an unfair tone is not a category a group can act on. So it rounds you to the nearest one it can. Traitor. The criticism becomes a defection, the defection becomes a sin, and the substance goes invisible, because to see it would mean conceding the traitor had a point, and the category will not allow that. Grace is nothing more mystical than that charity made standing policy: the agreement to read each other in full, by default, on the bad days especially.
And here is the part I have to say out loud, or the whole distinction goes soft and sentimental. Families relapse. Grace is not conferred by the word brotherhood. It is a discipline held against a gravity, and the gravity always pulls back toward the cheaper thing, because reading a man in full is expensive and flattening him to a category is free. A family is not a state you reach and keep. It is the daily, costly refusal of the cheaper tool. I have watched a family reach for the cheaper tool under strain. I have reached for it myself. That is not proof the family was never real. It is only the cost of it — the standing cost, the one you pay again every time, or stop being the thing you are.
These are the things that needed a reader and not an audience. That is the whole difference between this and the essays. The essays go out to strangers and have to survive being misread. These I am only handing to the people who won't.
If that is you: thank you for being legible back. Set them down carefully.



